Background Information

Trump v. United States (2024)

Trump v. United States (2024) is a U.S. Supreme Court case that revolves around the extent of presidential immunity in the United States. The case originated from three separate civil lawsuits filed against Donald Trump by Congresspersons and Capitol police officers seeking damages for his actions during the Capitol attack on January 6, 2021. Trump asserted presidential immunity, but lower courts rejected his claims. The Supreme Court agreed to hear the case, setting arguments for April 25, 2024, and maintaining a stay on the trial until their decision is made.

Influential Actors

John G. Roberts, Jr.

John G. Roberts, Jr. is the 17th and current Chief Justice of the United States, appointed in 2005 after being nominated by President George W. Bush.
John G. Roberts, Jr.'s ideological leanings are complex and cannot be easily categorized along a simple conservative-liberal spectrum. While he has often sided with the conservative bloc on issues such as voting rights, campaign finance, and religious liberty, he has also joined or authored decisions that align with more liberal positions, such as upholding the Affordable Care Act and legalizing same-sex marriage. His emphasis on judicial restraint, institutional integrity, and the importance of precedent suggests a more nuanced approach to jurisprudence that sometimes crosses ideological lines. Roberts appears to prioritize the Court's reputation and the rule of law over a consistent ideological stance.
Observation:
Roberts voted to uphold the Affordable Care Act in National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius (2012).
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He authored the majority opinion in Shelby County v. Holder (2013), which struck down parts of the Voting Rights Act.
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Roberts joined the majority in Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), legalizing same-sex marriage nationwide.
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He dissented in Massachusetts v. EPA (2007), limiting the EPA's power to regulate greenhouse gases.
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Roberts wrote the majority opinion in Citizens United v. FEC (2010), expanding corporate political speech rights.
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He voted to uphold the Trump administration's travel ban in Trump v. Hawaii (2018).
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Roberts has generally favored restrictions on abortion, as seen in his votes on various cases.
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He has often sided with the conservative bloc in cases involving religious liberty.
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Roberts has shown support for the Second Amendment in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008).
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He has voted to limit the use of race in college admissions, consistent with conservative views on affirmative action.
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Roberts has been skeptical of broad interpretations of executive power in some cases.
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He has emphasized judicial restraint and the importance of precedent in his opinions.
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Roberts has supported the death penalty in his votes on capital punishment cases.
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He has often voted to enforce arbitration agreements, reflecting a pro-business stance.
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Roberts has shown a commitment to the institutional integrity of the Court, often seeking to avoid highly partisan rulings.
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He has occasionally sided with liberal justices on issues of criminal procedure and defendants' rights.
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Roberts has advocated for a narrow interpretation of the Commerce Clause in United States v. Lopez (2005).
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He has been involved in decisions that have chipped away at campaign finance regulations.
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Roberts has demonstrated a pattern of deference to legislative judgments in cases involving economic regulation.
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He has expressed concern over the politicization of the judiciary and has defended the independence of the courts.
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Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr.'s jurisprudential philosophy is characterized by a commitment to judicial restraint, a respect for precedent (stare decisis), and a focus on the text of the law. He often takes a pragmatic approach that can lead to siding with either conservative or liberal justices, depending on the case. His rulings reflect a balance between conservative principles, such as a narrow interpretation of federal power, and a willingness to uphold certain expansive readings of laws when they align with his interpretation of the Constitution's text and principles. Roberts appears to prioritize the institutional integrity of the court and often seeks to avoid perceptions of the judiciary as politically driven.
Observation:
In his 2005 confirmation hearings, Roberts emphasized the role of judges as umpires who apply the rules rather than make them.
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Observation:
Roberts voted to uphold the Affordable Care Act in 2012, focusing on the statute's constitutionality under Congress's taxing power.
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He authored the majority opinion in Shelby County v. Holder (2013), which struck down parts of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
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Roberts dissented in Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), arguing that the Constitution does not address same-sex marriage.
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In King v. Burwell (2015), Roberts supported a broad interpretation of the Affordable Care Act to uphold subsidies.
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He has shown a tendency to favor incremental legal changes over sweeping shifts, as seen in various rulings.
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Roberts joined the majority in Citizens United v. FEC (2010), which expanded political speech rights for corporations.
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He has often emphasized judicial restraint and the limited role of the courts in his opinions.
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Roberts wrote the majority opinion in Riley v. California (2014), protecting privacy rights in the digital age.
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He has demonstrated a commitment to the principle of stare decisis, often upholding precedent.
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Roberts has occasionally sided with liberal justices on key cases, reflecting a pragmatic approach to jurisprudence.
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In his dissent in the case of Massachusetts v. EPA (2007), Roberts expressed skepticism about the broad interpretation of regulatory powers.
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He has shown a concern for the institutional integrity and public perception of the Supreme Court.
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Roberts has been critical of the perceived politicization of the judiciary and has defended the independence of the courts.
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In criminal law, Roberts has generally taken a conservative stance but has also supported the rights of the accused in certain contexts.
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He has advocated for a narrow reading of federal power in cases involving the Commerce Clause.
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Roberts has expressed support for religious freedom, as seen in his opinions in cases like Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores (2014).
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He has been cautious about expanding federal regulatory powers without clear congressional authorization.
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Roberts has shown a commitment to textualism, focusing on the text of statutes and the Constitution in his interpretations.
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In his opinion for the court in Trump v. Hawaii (2018), Roberts upheld the president's travel ban, emphasizing the executive's broad authority in matters of national security.
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Brett M. Kavanaugh

Brett M. Kavanaugh is an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, appointed by President Donald Trump and confirmed in 2018 amidst significant controversy and public attention.
The evidence suggests that Brett M. Kavanaugh generally places a high value on adhering to case precedent, often citing it in his opinions and dissents. He has shown respect for established legal doctrines and has often joined or written majority opinions that follow precedent. However, his respect for precedent is not absolute, as he has also expressed willingness to re-evaluate or clarify existing precedents when he believes it is warranted by the Constitution or legal principles.
Observation:
In his confirmation hearings, Kavanaugh stated respect for precedent is important for predictability and stability in the law.
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Kavanaugh dissented in Garza v. Hargan, arguing against creating a new right for unauthorized immigrant minors to obtain immediate abortion on demand.
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In Apple Inc. v. Pepper, Kavanaugh sided with the court's liberal justices, upholding precedent related to antitrust laws affecting Apple's App Store.
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During his tenure on the D.C. Circuit Court, Kavanaugh showed a pattern of adherence to Supreme Court precedents.
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Kavanaugh joined the majority in June Medical Services v. Russo, which struck down a Louisiana abortion law, citing adherence to precedent set by Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt.
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In Ramos v. Louisiana, Kavanaugh concurred with the majority to uphold the precedent that the Sixth Amendment requires unanimous jury verdicts for convictions in both federal and state courts.
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Kavanaugh wrote the majority opinion in McKee v. Cosby, which upheld the precedent of limited public figure doctrine in defamation cases.
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In his dissent in Box v. Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky Inc., Kavanaugh respected the precedent set by Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey.
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Kavanaugh dissented in the net neutrality case Mozilla v. FCC, favoring the precedent set by the Supreme Court's decision in Brand X.
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He has expressed admiration for Chief Justice William Rehnquist's dissent in Roe v. Wade, which criticized the decision for not being grounded in the Constitution.
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Kavanaugh's opinion in the SeaWorld v. Perez case adhered to the precedent of deferring to the expertise of administrative agencies.
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In the case of PHH Corporation v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Kavanaugh's dissent argued for the adherence to the precedent of separation of powers.
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Kavanaugh's majority opinion in American Legion v. American Humanist Association upheld the precedent allowing a cross-shaped war memorial on public land.
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In the case of Kisor v. Wilkie, Kavanaugh concurred in part, emphasizing the importance of stare decisis but also supporting the clarification of the Auer deference precedent.
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Kavanaugh's dissent in the case of South Bay United Pentecostal Church v. Newsom showed respect for the precedent set by Employment Division v. Smith regarding religious liberties.
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In the case of New York State Rifle & Pistol Association Inc. v. City of New York, Kavanaugh concurred with the decision to declare the case moot, following procedural precedent.
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Kavanaugh's opinion in the antitrust case Ohio v. American Express Co. adhered to the precedent of the rule of reason analysis for antitrust claims.
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In the case of DHS v. Regents of the University of California, Kavanaugh dissented, arguing for adherence to the precedent of the Administrative Procedure Act.
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Kavanaugh's opinion in the case of Lamps Plus, Inc. v. Varela upheld the precedent that courts cannot infer consent to class arbitration under the Federal Arbitration Act.
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In the case of Flowers v. Mississippi, Kavanaugh joined the majority opinion that adhered to the precedent of Batson v. Kentucky regarding racial discrimination in jury selection.
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Brett M. Kavanaugh's jurisprudential philosophy is characterized by a strong commitment to textualism and originalism, respect for precedent, and a conservative view on the role of the judiciary. He tends to favor a limited interpretation of federal power, is skeptical of broad agency authority, and supports executive power. His decisions often reflect a preference for clear, rule-based outcomes and a concern for the separation of powers.
Observation:
Kavanaugh has consistently shown respect for precedent, often citing the importance of stare decisis in his decisions.
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He has a textualist approach, focusing on the ordinary meaning of the statutory language at the time of enactment.
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Kavanaugh dissented in Apple Inc. v. Pepper, arguing for a narrow interpretation of antitrust laws based on precedent.
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In his confirmation hearings, Kavanaugh emphasized his belief in an independent judiciary.
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He has shown skepticism towards the Chevron deference, which gives agencies authority to interpret ambiguous statutes.
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Kavanaugh wrote the majority opinion in R.G. & G.R. Harris Funeral Homes Inc. v. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, focusing on textualist arguments.
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He has a history of ruling in favor of executive power, as seen in his opinions during his tenure on the D.C. Circuit Court.
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Kavanaugh dissented in Garza v. Hargan, arguing against an undocumented immigrant minor's right to an immediate abortion.
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He has expressed concern over the expansion of administrative agencies' power beyond what Congress has explicitly granted.
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Kavanaugh joined the majority in Atlantic Richfield Co. v. Christian, which limited the scope of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act.
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In criminal law, Kavanaugh has shown a tendency to support law enforcement and prosecution, though he has also advocated for the rights of defendants in certain contexts.
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He has argued for religious liberty and supported the presence of religious expression in the public sphere.
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Kavanaugh wrote a dissent in Net Neutrality case, United States Telecom Association v. FCC, favoring deregulation.
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He has shown a commitment to originalism, interpreting the Constitution as it was understood at the time it was written.
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Kavanaugh has been critical of the broad interpretation of the Commerce Clause that expands federal power.
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In his opinions, he has often shown a preference for clear rules that can be consistently applied.
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Kavanaugh joined the majority in Ramos v. Louisiana, which required unanimous jury verdicts for convictions in state criminal trials.
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He has expressed admiration for former Justice Anthony Kennedy, under whom he clerked and whose seat he filled, known for his swing vote in key decisions.
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Kavanaugh has been involved in decisions that protect Second Amendment rights, aligning with a conservative interpretation of gun control laws.
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He has emphasized the importance of the separation of powers and the need for courts to avoid encroaching on legislative and executive functions.
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Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh has demonstrated through his judicial record and past writings a tendency to support broad presidential powers. During his time on the D.C. Circuit Court and his tenure on the Supreme Court, Kavanaugh has often sided with arguments that favor executive authority. His writings, including his commentary on the investigation of President Bill Clinton and his expressed views during his time in the George W. Bush administration, suggest that he believes in a strong executive branch, which would likely extend to his opinions on the scope of presidential privileges.
Observation:
In a 2009 Minnesota Law Review article, Kavanaugh argued that sitting presidents should not be subject to criminal investigations or civil suits while in office.
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During his time in the George W. Bush administration, Kavanaugh wrote that the president's job is difficult enough without the distraction of civil suits and criminal investigations.
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In a 1998 Georgetown Law Journal article, Kavanaugh suggested that Congress should consider a law exempting a president from criminal prosecution and investigation while in office.
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Kavanaugh, in his 2018 Senate confirmation hearings, declined to directly answer whether a sitting president could be required to respond to a subpoena.
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In the 2018 Senate confirmation hearings, Kavanaugh referred to United States v. Nixon as one of the greatest moments in American judicial history, indicating respect for the decision that limited presidential privilege.
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Kavanaugh, during his time in the Bush administration, supported the president's broad authority to issue signing statements, which interpret the meaning of statutes passed by Congress.
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As a judge on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, Kavanaugh dissented in a case involving the Affordable Care Act, arguing that the president might have the power to decline to enforce statutes he believes are unconstitutional.
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In the 2017 PHH Corp. v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau decision, Kavanaugh wrote that the president should have the power to fire the head of an independent agency, reflecting his view on executive authority.
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Kavanaugh's opinions on the D.C. Circuit often emphasized a strong view of executive power, including the president's authority in national security matters.
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In a 2013 case, Kavanaugh dissented from the majority opinion that the president exceeded his authority in making recess appointments, arguing in favor of broader presidential powers in this area.
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During his confirmation hearings, Kavanaugh suggested that the Supreme Court's decision in Morrison v. Olson, which upheld the independent counsel statute, was wrongly decided, hinting at his view of limited checks on presidential power.
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Kavanaugh has argued that the Take Care Clause of the Constitution gives the president broad discretion to decide how to enforce the laws.
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In a 2016 law review article, Kavanaugh praised the late Chief Justice William Rehnquist for pushing back on the 'imperial presidency' concept, which could imply a nuanced view on executive power.
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Kavanaugh's written responses during his confirmation process indicated that he believes in a strong executive branch, but also recognizes that the president is not above the law.
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Amy Coney Barrett

Amy Coney Barrett is an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, known for her conservative views and originalist approach to the Constitution, appointed by President Donald Trump in 2020.
Amy Coney Barrett's jurisprudential philosophy is characterized by her commitment to originalism and textualism, as evidenced by her academic writings, public statements, and judicial decisions. She has consistently shown a respect for precedent, though she is willing to re-evaluate or limit the scope of precedents she believes are not grounded in the Constitution's original meaning. Her decisions often reflect a conservative approach to constitutional interpretation, emphasizing the limited role of the judiciary, the importance of religious freedom, and the protection of Second Amendment rights.
Observation:
Barrett has described herself as an originalist, following the judicial philosophy of her mentor, the late Justice Antonin Scalia.
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Observation:
She has stated that the meaning of the Constitution should not change over time, aligning with originalist thought.
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In her academic writing, Barrett has shown a deep respect for stare decisis, the principle of adhering to precedent.
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During her confirmation hearings, Barrett emphasized the importance of judicial restraint and the limited role of the courts.
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She has expressed skepticism about the broad application of the doctrine of substantive due process.
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Barrett joined the majority in 'Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn v. Cuomo', which favored religious freedoms over COVID-19 restrictions.
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In 'Fulton v. City of Philadelphia', she joined the majority in a decision supporting a Catholic agency's right to not work with same-sex couples, based on religious grounds.
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Barrett dissented in 'Box v. Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky Inc.', arguing for the re-hearing of an abortion-related case.
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She has questioned the precedent set by 'National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius', which upheld the Affordable Care Act.
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Barrett has argued for the originalist interpretation of the Second Amendment, suggesting a broad protection of gun rights.
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In 'South Bay United Pentecostal Church v. Newsom', she voted to uphold California's COVID-19 restrictions on religious services, showing a complex approach to religious liberty cases.
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She has written about the danger of courts straying into policymaking, which should be reserved for the legislative branch.
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Barrett has emphasized the importance of textualism in statutory interpretation, focusing on the text of the law rather than potential legislative intent.
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In 'Cook County v. Wolf', she dissented against blocking the Trump administration's public charge rule, which would deny green cards to immigrants likely to use public benefits.
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She has shown a willingness to limit the scope of administrative agencies, in line with conservative skepticism about the administrative state.
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Barrett has been critical of the Supreme Court's decision in 'King v. Burwell', which interpreted the Affordable Care Act to allow tax credits for insurance purchased on any exchange.
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In 'Kanter v. Barr', she argued as a circuit judge that non-violent felons should not be barred from owning guns, demonstrating a strong commitment to Second Amendment rights.
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She has expressed the view that life tenure for Supreme Court justices helps to insulate the court from political pressures.
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Barrett has been involved in decisions that have chipped away at 'Roe v. Wade' without outright overturning it, showing a cautious approach to reversing longstanding precedents.
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She has maintained that a judge must apply the law as written, not as they wish it to be, indicating a commitment to textualism and originalism.
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Amy Coney Barrett, as a conservative jurist, has generally shown support for a strong separation of powers, which is consistent with her originalist interpretation of the Constitution. She has emphasized the importance of each branch of government staying within its constitutionally defined role. Her judicial record, including her opinions and writings, suggests that she is likely to continue to advocate for clear boundaries between the legislative, executive, and judicial branches to prevent overreach and maintain checks and balances.
Observation:
Barrett has consistently emphasized the importance of originalism and textualism in her judicial philosophy, which can imply a strict interpretation of the separation of powers as laid out in the Constitution.
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In her 2017 law review article, Barrett wrote that 'the chief justice is supreme only within the judicial realm; he has no authority to supervise or regulate the other branches.'
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Observation:
During her 2020 confirmation hearings, Barrett stated that 'courts are not designed to solve every problem or right every wrong in our public life.'
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In a 2019 dissent in the case of Kanter v. Barr, Barrett argued for a historical interpretation of the Second Amendment, showcasing her approach to constitutional interpretation that could affect separation of powers.
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Barrett joined the majority in Collins v. Yellen (2021), which held that the structure of the Federal Housing Finance Agency was unconstitutional, reflecting her views on the separation of powers.
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In Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (2020), Barrett did not participate, but her mentor, Justice Scalia, whose philosophy she shares, influenced the decision that the CFPB's structure violated the separation of powers.
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Observation:
During her tenure on the Seventh Circuit, Barrett ruled in favor of broad presidential powers in immigration cases, which may reflect her stance on the executive branch's autonomy within the separation of powers.
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Barrett has spoken about the role of the judiciary as limited, stating that policy decisions should be left to the legislative and executive branches, respecting the separation of powers.
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In her academic writing, Barrett has discussed the nondelegation doctrine, which concerns Congress's power to delegate legislative authority, indicating her interest in the boundaries of separation of powers.
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Barrett's confirmation to the Supreme Court itself was seen by some as a test of the separation of powers, given the proximity to the 2020 presidential election and the political dynamics involved.
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Key Findings

Legal Precedents


The Supreme Court's past unanimous ruling against states barring Trump from the ballot under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment suggests a tendency to limit legal restrictions on former presidents. However, legal precedents such as Fitzgerald v. Nixon (1982) and related cases have established that a former president is entitled to absolute immunity from damages for official acts. The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals has countered this, stating that if a president violates a 'generally applicable' criminal law, it is outside the scope of official duties and does not warrant immunity. A federal appeals court panel also ruled that Trump is not immune from federal prosecution for 'assertedly official acts', and prosecutors argue there is no broad immunity for criminal acts committed in office, particularly those aimed at obstructing a peaceful transfer of power. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit found no historical evidence or legal precedent supporting absolute immunity for a former president. These conflicting interpretations of presidential immunity from prosecution will likely influence the Supreme Court's decision in Trump v. United States.
Source Facts
  • The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that if a president breaks a 'generally applicable' criminal law, then that president is acting outside the scope of his duties and therefore has no immunity.thehill.com | Mar 28, 2024
  • The Supreme Court has previously ruled unanimously in a separate case that states cannot bar Trump from the ballot using Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, which could indicate a tendency to limit the application of legal restrictions on former presidents.www.cbsnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • A three-judge panel of the federal appeals court in Washington ruled in early February that former President Donald Trump is not entitled to presidential immunity from federal prosecution for 'assertedly official acts'.www.cbsnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • Prosecutors led by special counsel Jack Smith have argued that there is no broad immunity preventing former presidents from being prosecuted for criminal acts committed in office, and that an attempt to 'use fraudulent means to thwart the transfer of power' should not be considered an official act.www.nbcnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • In Fitzgerald v. Nixon, a Supreme Court decision from 1982, Justice Lewis Powell's majority opinion stated that a former President of the United States is entitled to absolute immunity from damages liability predicated on his official acts.constitutioncenter.org | Mar 12, 2024
  • Justice Lewis Powell in Fitzgerald v. Nixon also cited Barr v. Matteo (1959) and Stump v. Sparkman (1978) to determine that the President's absolute immunity extends to all acts within the 'outer perimeter' of his duties of office.constitutioncenter.org | Mar 12, 2024
  • The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit found that Donald Trump failed to point to any historical evidence or legal precedent supporting absolute immunity for a former president.www.lawfareblog.com | Feb 27, 2024
  • Case Specifics


    The Supreme Court is set to rule on whether a former president, specifically Donald Trump, is immune from prosecution for conduct related to his official acts while in office. The Court's consideration of this issue, with oral arguments scheduled for April 25, 2024, could establish legal guidelines for future presidents. The framing of the issue suggests the Court may not rule on absolute immunity, as proposed by both parties, but rather on the extent of immunity for conduct during a presidency. Lower courts, including the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, have rejected Trump's claims of immunity, and federal district court proceedings are on hold pending the Supreme Court's decision. The Court's ruling is expected by the end of June 2024. The Supreme Court has not expressed a view on the case's merits but has agreed to review the immunity claim, which has implications for the timing of Trump's criminal case.
    Source Facts
  • The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that if a president breaks a 'generally applicable' criminal law, then that president is acting outside the scope of his duties and therefore has no immunity.thehill.com | Mar 28, 2024
  • The Supreme Court's order granting certiorari included a statement that it was expressing no view on the merits of the case.www.lawfaremedia.org | Mar 25, 2024
  • The Supreme Court issued a directive to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit to 'continue withholding issuance of [its] mandate' until the Supreme Court hands down its judgment in Trump v. United States.www.lawfaremedia.org | Mar 25, 2024
  • Oral arguments before the U.S. Supreme Court on the immunity question are scheduled for April 25, and federal district court proceedings have been halted until the Supreme Court issues a ruling.missouriindependent.com | Mar 20, 2024
  • Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost, Alaska Attorney General Treg R. Taylor, and Wyoming Attorney General Bridget Hill proposed a two-part test for presidential immunity that would still allow for broad immunity, arguing that very broad, but not limitless, presidential immunity is dictated by the constitutional structure.missouriindependent.com | Mar 20, 2024
  • A three-judge panel of the federal appeals court in Washington ruled in early February that former President Donald Trump is not entitled to presidential immunity from federal prosecution for 'assertedly official acts'.www.cbsnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • Prosecutors led by special counsel Jack Smith have argued that there is no broad immunity preventing former presidents from being prosecuted for criminal acts committed in office, and that an attempt to 'use fraudulent means to thwart the transfer of power' should not be considered an official act.www.nbcnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • The Supreme Court is expected to issue a ruling on the extent of a former president's immunity from criminal prosecution by the end of June 2024.www.cbsnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • The Supreme Court has agreed to review the federal appeals court's decision and is scheduled to hear arguments on April 25, with a ruling expected by the end of June.www.cbsnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • The Supreme Court set an expedited schedule for the case, with oral arguments taking place approximately seven weeks after the Court agreed to hear the case.www.nytimes.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • Justice Lewis Powell in Fitzgerald v. Nixon also cited Barr v. Matteo (1959) and Stump v. Sparkman (1978) to determine that the President's absolute immunity extends to all acts within the 'outer perimeter' of his duties of office.constitutioncenter.org | Mar 12, 2024
  • The Supreme Court has agreed to consider whether former President Trump is immune from prosecution for interference in the 2020 presidential election, with oral argument in Trump v. United States set for April 22, 2024.thehill.com | Mar 11, 2024
  • The Supreme Court's framing of the issue it will address in the case suggests it may rule on whether a former President enjoys immunity from criminal prosecution for conduct alleged to involve official acts during his tenure in office, rather than the absolute immunity proposed by both parties.www.usatoday.com | Mar 8, 2024
  • The Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit ruled against Trump's claim of absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for official acts during his term as President.www.newyorker.com | Mar 3, 2024
  • The Supreme Court's consideration of the immunity claim is based on a legal question that has not been previously tested, which could establish guidelines for the conduct of any future president.www.salon.com | Mar 2, 2024
  • The Supreme Court has agreed to consider the immunity claim, indicating a short-term victory for Donald Trump, who has sought to delay the criminal case against him.www.salon.com | Mar 2, 2024
  • The Supreme Court has agreed to decide whether and to what extent a former president is immune from prosecution for conduct that allegedly involves his official acts during his time in office.www.scotusblog.com | Feb 28, 2024
  • The U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan denied Donald Trump's motion to dismiss the charges against him on the ground of immunity from prosecution.www.scotusblog.com | Feb 28, 2024
  • The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit issued a unanimous rejection of Donald Trump's argument for immunity from prosecution.www.lawfareblog.com | Feb 27, 2024
  • The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit found that Donald Trump failed to point to any historical evidence or legal precedent supporting absolute immunity for a former president.www.lawfareblog.com | Feb 27, 2024
  • The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals rejected Trump's claim of immunity from criminal prosecution before his trial, which could allow for a trial to take place before the November presidential election.www.lawfareblog.com | Feb 6, 2024
  • Lower Court Rulings


    The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals and U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan have consistently ruled against Donald Trump's claims of absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for official acts during his presidency. They have determined that if a president violates 'generally applicable' criminal laws or commits criminal acts outside the scope of his duties, he is not immune from prosecution. The courts have also noted the absence of historical evidence or legal precedent supporting such immunity. These rulings pave the way for a potential trial before the November presidential election, as Trump's motion to dismiss the charges based on immunity was denied.
    Source Facts
  • The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that if a president breaks a 'generally applicable' criminal law, then that president is acting outside the scope of his duties and therefore has no immunity.thehill.com | Mar 28, 2024
  • A three-judge panel of the federal appeals court in Washington ruled in early February that former President Donald Trump is not entitled to presidential immunity from federal prosecution for 'assertedly official acts'.www.cbsnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • Prosecutors led by special counsel Jack Smith have argued that there is no broad immunity preventing former presidents from being prosecuted for criminal acts committed in office, and that an attempt to 'use fraudulent means to thwart the transfer of power' should not be considered an official act.www.nbcnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • The Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit ruled against Trump's claim of absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for official acts during his term as President.www.newyorker.com | Mar 3, 2024
  • The U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan denied Donald Trump's motion to dismiss the charges against him on the ground of immunity from prosecution.www.scotusblog.com | Feb 28, 2024
  • The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit issued a unanimous rejection of Donald Trump's argument for immunity from prosecution.www.lawfareblog.com | Feb 27, 2024
  • The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit found that Donald Trump failed to point to any historical evidence or legal precedent supporting absolute immunity for a former president.www.lawfareblog.com | Feb 27, 2024
  • The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals rejected Trump's claim of immunity from criminal prosecution before his trial, which could allow for a trial to take place before the November presidential election.www.lawfareblog.com | Feb 6, 2024
  • Presidential Immunity Scope


    The Supreme Court is set to determine the extent of a former president's immunity from prosecution for conduct related to official acts during their term. The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals has previously ruled that a president is not immune if they break a 'generally applicable' criminal law, suggesting a limit to immunity. A federal appeals court panel also denied immunity to Trump for 'assertedly official acts'. Prosecutors argue there is no broad immunity, especially for criminal acts related to the transfer of power. Trump's legal team contends that without absolute immunity, future presidents could be vulnerable to coercion. Some state attorneys general advocate for a two-part test that maintains broad, but not unlimited, presidential immunity based on constitutional structure.
    Source Facts
  • The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that if a president breaks a 'generally applicable' criminal law, then that president is acting outside the scope of his duties and therefore has no immunity.thehill.com | Mar 28, 2024
  • Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost, Alaska Attorney General Treg R. Taylor, and Wyoming Attorney General Bridget Hill proposed a two-part test for presidential immunity that would still allow for broad immunity, arguing that very broad, but not limitless, presidential immunity is dictated by the constitutional structure.missouriindependent.com | Mar 20, 2024
  • A three-judge panel of the federal appeals court in Washington ruled in early February that former President Donald Trump is not entitled to presidential immunity from federal prosecution for 'assertedly official acts'.www.cbsnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • Prosecutors led by special counsel Jack Smith have argued that there is no broad immunity preventing former presidents from being prosecuted for criminal acts committed in office, and that an attempt to 'use fraudulent means to thwart the transfer of power' should not be considered an official act.www.nbcnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • Donald Trump's lawyers have argued to the Supreme Court that a ruling against his claim of absolute immunity would incapacitate every future president, leaving them open to blackmail and extortion.www.nbcnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • The Supreme Court's framing of the issue it will address in the case suggests it may rule on whether a former President enjoys immunity from criminal prosecution for conduct alleged to involve official acts during his tenure in office, rather than the absolute immunity proposed by both parties.www.usatoday.com | Mar 8, 2024
  • The Supreme Court has agreed to decide whether and to what extent a former president is immune from prosecution for conduct that allegedly involves his official acts during his time in office.www.scotusblog.com | Feb 28, 2024
  • Other Key Statements

    Source Facts
  • The Supreme Court, which has a 6-3 conservative majority, is considering the legal question of whether a former president enjoys presidential immunity for conduct alleged to involve official acts during his tenure in office.www.nbcnews.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • Historical background


    Lower courts have consistently rejected Trump's claim of immunity from prosecution for actions taken while in office, with the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals affirming that such immunity does not extend post-presidency. The Supreme Court has agreed to hear the case, focusing solely on the issue of presidential immunity, with historical precedents like Fitzgerald v. Nixon suggesting a possible entitlement to immunity for official acts within the duties of office. Legal experts are skeptical of Trump's chances to secure a ruling for absolute immunity.
    Source Facts
  • A Feb. 6 decision by the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld a lower court's ruling against Donald Trump, noting that the charges allege criminal action that emanated from an effort to unlawfully retain the presidency.missouriindependent.com | Mar 20, 2024
  • Donald Trump's attorneys have argued that criminal charges against him should be dismissed under a doctrine of 'absolute presidential immunity', which they claim is necessary for presidents to properly exercise their powers.missouriindependent.com | Mar 20, 2024
  • Oral arguments before the U.S. Supreme Court on the immunity question are scheduled for April 25, and federal district court proceedings have been halted until the Supreme Court issues a ruling.missouriindependent.com | Mar 20, 2024
  • Former President Donald J. Trump has submitted a brief to the Supreme Court arguing for absolute immunity from criminal charges related to his actions during the 2020 election.www.nytimes.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • Legal experts have expressed the opinion that Donald J. Trump is unlikely to prevail in his argument for absolute immunity before the Supreme Court.www.nytimes.com | Mar 19, 2024
  • A unanimous three-judge District of Columbia Circuit appeals court panel ruled that former President Trump could be prosecuted, stating that any executive immunity that may have protected him while he served as President no longer protects him after leaving office.constitutioncenter.org | Mar 12, 2024
  • On February 28, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court granted a stay and limited the arguments in the case Donald J. Trump v. United States to the single issue of presidential immunity.constitutioncenter.org | Mar 12, 2024
  • In Fitzgerald v. Nixon, a Supreme Court decision from 1982, Justice Lewis Powell's majority opinion stated that a former President is entitled to absolute immunity from damages liability for official acts, and this immunity extends to all acts within the 'outer perimeter' of the duties of office.constitutioncenter.org | Mar 12, 2024
  • In the Supreme Court decision Fitzgerald v. Nixon from 1982, the Court ruled 5-4 that a former President of the United States is entitled to absolute immunity from damages liability predicated on his official acts.constitutioncenter.org | Mar 12, 2024
  • The Supreme Court has previously ruled in Barr v. Matteo (1959) and Stump v. Sparkman (1978) that the President's absolute immunity extends to all acts within the 'outer perimeter' of his duties of office.constitutioncenter.org | Mar 12, 2024
  • The U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan denied Donald Trump's motion to dismiss criminal charges against him on the ground of immunity from prosecution.www.scotusblog.com | Feb 28, 2024
  • The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit unanimously upheld the decision to deny Donald Trump's immunity claim and rejected the claim that a former president cannot be prosecuted unless impeached and convicted by the Senate.www.scotusblog.com | Feb 28, 2024
  • The U.S. Supreme Court has agreed to decide whether and to what extent a former president is immune from prosecution for conduct that allegedly involves his official acts during his time in office.www.scotusblog.com | Feb 28, 2024
  • A three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit unanimously rejected former President Donald J. Trump's argument that he may not be prosecuted for actions he took while in office.www.nytimes.com | Feb 12, 2024
  • The Supreme Court's majority opinion, as expressed in an unsigned order, stated that the appeals court's ruling against Mr. Trump would have been the same even if he were the incumbent president, indicating that his status as a former president did not influence the decision.www.nytimes.com | Jan 19, 2022
  • Weighting reasoning: Assigning lower weight because this forecast refers to power of the Executive Branch, not necessarily power of the President. None of the instances provided are about a former leader in the executive branch.
    Weighting reasoning: This forecast is most central to the issue at hand. The few instances that affirm the condition are from over 50 years ago: 1867, 1936, and 1974
    Weighting reasoning: This forecast carries less weight because Trump v. United States is first of its kind; There has never been a case involving a former official as high-ranking as former President of the United States
    Weighting reasoning: This is the most basic base rate and should be interpreted as a starting point; it captures anything missing from more narrow base rates and makes up for instances where more narrow reference classes may account for details that are irrelevant to forecasted question.
    Weighting reasoning: Assigning a low weight because the more specific version of this forecast "Supreme Court cases set new executive privilege precedents" underscores that while conservative Courts have a tendency to disrupt the status quo, this is not the case for matters of executive privilege.
    Historical forecast: N/A
    FUTURESEARCH Forecast

    15% probability
    Small possibility
    I began with a historical forecast of 35%, and then revised it to 15% based on five reasons: (1) The weakness of Trump's legal team's case (2) The unprecedented nature of a former president's immunity from prosecution (3) The conservative majority's jurisprudential philosophies (4) The potential impact on the Court's perceived legitimacy due to the proximity of the 2024 Presidential election (5) The Supreme Court has incentives to hear this novel case to affirm the lower court's decision and maintain the status quo, thereby emphasizing the thoroughness of their review or reinforcing the lower court's ruling. At least one Justice's inclination towards broad presidential powers provides some counterbalance.